Interpol accuses Sergio Moro of violation of human rights

doria-moro
Photo: William Volcov

By Miguel do Rosário

Jorunalist Bob Fernandes alerted, via Twitter:

CLOSE ATTENTION. In article 54 one of the reasons of Interpol withdrawing Tacla Duran from the red alert list: doubts about the conduct of the judge responsible (Moro) sufficient to violate article 2; cooperation can only be given with fundamental rights guaranteed. https://t.co/l3UsvQcs04

— Bob Fernandes (@Bob_Fernandes) 4 August 2018

Interpol understood that Sergio Moro violated article 2 of Interpol’s own Constitution.

Article 2 (1): To ensure and promote the widest possible mutual assistance between all criminal police authorities within the limits of the laws existing in the different countries and in the spirit of the “Universal Declaration of Human Rights

From the newspaper O Estado de S.Paulo

Interpol takes Tacla Duran off the international wanted list

The investigation agency complied with a request from the lawyer and suspended the international red alert against his name since September 2016

Jamil Chade CORRESPONDENT / GENEVER Katna Baran, O Estado de S.Paulo

4 August 2018

Interpol, the international investigation agency, took the lawyer Rodrigo Tacla Duran off the body’s international wanted list. At the request of the defence, the agency suspended the red alert against his name since September 2016 made at the request of Brazilian Justice. Tacla Duran’s defence placed in check the impartiality of Judge Sérgio Moro to judge the case. The argument was the fact that the judge had cited the lawyer during the programme Roda Viva on TV Cultura.

Tacla Duran presented three arguments to Interpol to justify his request that the red alert on his name be withdrawn: his case had been transferred in part from Brazil to Spain, the rights to due legal process in Brazil had not been fulfilled and to complete the case, Spain had rejected his extradition from there.

According to Interpol, Tacla Duran presented “evidence that was easily verifiable from open sources”, that Moro “spoke publicly about him during an interview” about the case, placing the impartiality of the Lava Jato judge in Curitiba under suspicion.

“The Commission then considered that the allegations presented (by Tacla Duran) which, given the behaviour of the judge responsible for his case in Brazil, sufficient doubts had been raised of the fact of a violation of Article 2 of the Interpol Constitution”, the agency indicated in a document obtained by O Estado. Article 2 refers to the need for the institution to promote cooperation between police from different countries, provided the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is respected.

The case makes reference to the interview given by Moro on Roda Viva on the TV Cultura channel on 27th March. As a fugitive in Spain, Duran accused Moro of receiving undue amounts of money through a friend to favour plea bargains in the operation. In the interview on Roda Viva, the judge said he believed it was just an attempt to remove him from the case.

The Interpol Control Commission has been evaluating the case since July. After an evaluation and in consultation with authorities in Brazil and Spain, the newspaper O Estado found that the commission indicated that the elements presented by Tacla Duran were in fact “new” and would have to be considered. According to the agency, such data could have led Interpol to a “different conclusion” about the suspect.

The decision does not mean that Interpol questions the Brazilian judicial system. But it does indicate that an evaluation should be made on each case before maintaining the lawyer’s name on the list. “The Commission notes that the guarantees of Access to Justice, as well as principles of equal treatment before the law, the impartiality of the Judiciary and fundamental rights, such as full and adversarial defence are in fact rooted in the Brazilian Federal Constitution and in the country’s legal system”.

The agency therefore established that the data on Tacla Duran must be “deleted from the Interpol files”. The body also noted that Spanish Justice “did not ask for the alert to be maintained”.

Tacla Duran has lived in Spain ever since the first indications of his involvement in the corruption scheme at Petrobras were revealed by Lava Jato. According to the investigations, the lawyer was an operator for Odebrecht in the payments of bribe monies abroad. Firstly, he was the subject of a preventive arrest warrant in the 36th phase of Lava Jato in November 2016. At the time, Tacla Duran was already out of the country and was not arrested.

He is wanted in a process of investigating crimes such as corruption, money laundering and criminal conspiracy in a scheme involving construction works worth more than R$ 1.8 billion with the Pipe-Rack Consortium at the Rio de Janeiro Petrochemical Complex (Comperj).  He is also a defendant in another process, also dismembered, investigating crimes of corruption against Petrobras and an investigation involving concession and highways in Paraná state.

The 13th Court of Curitiba requested the extradition of Tacla Duran to Brazil for crimes, which was denied by Spain due to the lawyer double nationality. On April 11th 2018, Moro decided to transfer part of this process to the Spanish authorities, considering treaty provisions and the use of a company set up in Spain to carry out the crimes investigated.

Interpol refused to comment officially on the document. Federal Justice affirmed that his preventive detention had not been revoked in Brazil. The media office said they would not comment officially on the matter involving Moro, nor on the Interpol decision.

The Federal prosecution service declared that the preventive arrest warrant against Tacla Duran remained in effect and valid. In a motion for habeas corpus filed by the lawyer, the 4th Federal Regional Court (TRF-4) maintained the warrant, recognizing its legality. “The Federal prosecution service continues to adopt all due legal measures for it to be fulfilled, including abroad”.

Boaventura de Sousa Santos unpicks the neo-liberal siege of universities

Boaventura de Sousa Santos

“The idea that the sole value of knowledge is the market value will kill the university. A university that is ‘sustainable’ because it finances itself is an unsustainable university as a common good, because it becomes transformed into a company”, the Portuguese sociologist Boaventura de Sousa Santos warned in one of the central talks of the Latin America and Caribbean Regional Higher Education Conference (CRES 2018), which ended today in Cordoba. With a doctorate in the sociology of Law and professor at the universities of Coimbra and Wisconsin-Madison, De Sousa Santos is – and he defines himself as – “a university activist” and has dedicated himself to the subject in various texts, the first in the mid-1990’s, and the last published this year.

The report is by Javier Lorca, published on Pagina/12, 15-06-2018. The translation from Spanish was by Cepat.

“If the students of 1918 were here today, He began, if we were these students, what reforms would be needed?” In a charming Spanish with a Portuguese accent, De Sousa Santos initially drew a parallel with Maio Frances, specified the progressive gains and characterized the present as a time full of dangers for public universities: “We are going through a conservative and reactionary global cycle controlled by neo-liberalism, which is nothing less than total domination by financial capital”. This is a more complex scenario than that faced by the rebellions of 1918 and 1968, for one reason: “Then, the global context allowed the thought that there was an alternative to capitalism. Now, it seems that capitalism has beaten its adversaries, and it is capitalism without fear”.

The neo-liberal project, he explained, aims at the construction of a “capitalism of the university”: “It started with the idea that the university should be relevant in creating the skills the market required”, followed by the proposals for taxation and privatization. “The final phase is the idea that the university should itself be a market, the university as an enterprise”. If the university is a just another good, it has to be measured: giving rise to the global rankings.

The neo-liberal ideology thus collides with the idea of “university as a common good”, the child of the gains obtained after the Reformation. “It is a difficult time for various reasons, and one of them is that there is no political attack, but rather depoliticized one. It is an attack which has two dimensions: budget cuts and the fight against the supposed inefficiency or corruption, which is a very selective fight, because we know that the public universities in general are well managed in comparison with other institutions”.

Boaventura de Sousa Santos identified three reasons for university being the target of the neo-liberal regime.

– its production of independent knowledge and critical questioning “the absence of alternatives that neo-liberalism tries to produce in our heads every day. If there are no alternatives, there is no politics, because politics is only alternatives. That is why many of the measures against university do not seem like politics, but rather economics, budget cuts, or juridical, the fight against corruption. What is behind this is the idea that university can be a tool for alternatives and resistance”.

– Neo-liberal thought seeks an eternal present to avoid all the tension between the past, present and future. University has always been, despite all the limitations, the possibility to criticise the present in relation to the past and with a view to a different future”.

– “University helped to create national projects (obviously, excluding the original peoples) and neo-liberalism does not want national projects. In its turn, universities have always been internationally solidarity, on the basis of the idea of a common good. But university capitalism wants another type of internationalism: the franchise, where the universities can buy academic products all over the world”.

Pluriversity

The second part of the conference summarized a series of proposals to refound universities based on the Reform of 1918, but overcoming their limitations and radicalizing their democratizing spirit.

“The domination today has three heads: capitalism, colonialism and hetero-patriarchy”, De Sousa Santos postulated. “Our dilemma is that this domination is integrated. Capitalism works together with colonialism and the patriarchy. But the resistance is fragmented. Universities can be a field where thought articulates the resistance. That is also why universities are a target for neo-liberalism”.

What can be done? The first step, he said, is an epistemological break. “There is an enormous plurality of knowledge outside of universities: rural, urban, popular knowledge, that of women. Why have universities never taken these into account? Because the universities have not been decolonized. Their content, their social sciences, their history, are colonialist. To defend them as a public good, universities must carry out a deep self-criticism, on themselves. They have to abandon the arrogant idea that they are the only source of knowledge, open themselves up to a dialogue with other sources. We need to create Epistemologies of the South”.

In this sense, the second break concerns the radical reform of the social alliance that universities have to seek, not just with the urban bourgoisie classes, but with “the popular and impoverished classes, the victims of colonialism and the patriarchy, the racialized and sexualized bodies”. For this reason, he explained, “extension work has never been so important as it is today. Through the influence of neo-liberalism, extension work has been diverted to the obtaining of funds. This is perverse, this is not extension work, it is prostitution. Real extension work should be directed at the populations who are not solvent”. His proposal consists of inverting extension work, “it is not taking universities outwards, it is the bringing of non-university knowledge within”, and in turn, “articulating the different types of popular knowledge, because there has usually been prejudice between the different movements” (workers, feminists, peasants, LGBT).

Universities, he concluded to applause, must be restored, use their autonomy counter-hegemonically and “be transformed into a pluriversity. But the attack from neo-liberalism is so great that perhaps should change itself into subversion (subversity)”.

Originally published at: http://www.ihu.unisinos.br/579979-boaventura-de-sousa-santos-destrincha-o-assedio-neoliberal-as-universidades

After hours of expectation and the dust having settled on Lula’s possible release

Moro vision test
Comment by Rafaela Pacheco on Facebook

After hours of expectation and the dust having settled on Lula’s possible release, some points:
Regardless of the result, it was a masterly defence. Fact.
In a single movement they managed:
1. To put Lula top trending worldwide and on the cover of the leading international media outlets. They got him out of being forgotten in the dungeons of Curitiba. Lula is alive and well, to the fright of the nihilists and despair of the coup plotters.
2. They mobilized the activists on this post-World Cup Sunday. These activists had been kind of lost and withered after the defeat of Brazil, and needed to be shaken up. Demonstrations throughout Brazil and next week too.
3. Moro and company revealed, they took the bait desperately all the way to the stomach, as usual.
4. They exposed the whole Brazilian judicial system and its habitual Godfather ways more entrenched than ever post-coup. An international embarrassment.
5. The corporate media were shown to have no clothes, in their ridiculous role and failing credibility.
6 . They constructed a new fact for a further undertaking in the Supreme Court. The obvious partiality against Lula made blindingly so for those who want to see and becomes a new political and juridical fact.
There was a victory. They were geniuses! We moved the board, we got ourselves off the ropes. And they were in despair. Rightly so. They can already feel the signs.
The spring must come.
And I’m going to die laughing, that day is coming sooner than you think.

“Lula knew it wasn’t going to work, from the posture from Justice and the media”

Lula Gulliver

Interview: Lígia Bonfanti / Editor: André Zanardo

“He is serene. From the attitude that justice and the media have adopted, he already knew that it was practically impossible”. This was how the ex-Minister of Justice Eugênio Aragão described the state of spirit of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, after the episodes on Sunday 8 June, in an exclusive interview with Justificando.

The conversation with Justificando took place after the visit by Aragão to the Federal Police Superintendency where he met with and talked to Lula. The ex-Minister gathered the facts that took place on Sunday, and classified the activities of the rapporteur of the process against Lula in the 4th Federal Regional Court, Pedro Gebran Neto, of Judge Sérgio Moro and of the President of the 4th Federal Regional Court, Carlos Eduardo Thompson Flores, as “acting like kids”.

Lula was to wait in Curitiba for the Court’s decision, because he knew that the duty judge’s decision is absolutely transitory. But they resolved to jump in head first and thus trample on all the rules of jurisdiction and competence.

Unlike the ex-President, Aragão was not calm during the interview, and was strongly critical of the judges, who as far as he is concerned, unduly interfered in the case, clearly revealing the practice of “lawfare” against Lula.

I do believe that Moro, Gebran and Thompson Flores should answer for this to the National Council of Justice, and if justice is to be taken seriously in Brazil, they should be punished administratively for what they got up to yesterday. This is shamelessness, everyone should be dumbfounded. I have worked for over 35 years in Justice, and I have never seen anything like it. I have never seen anything like this before. As far as I am concerned, this is scandalous. They threw justice into the mud. They should have been patient. Where could Lula run to?

Eugenio Aragão

Photo: Lula Marques / Agência PT

See the interview in full:

How was your talk with President Lula?

He is serene, tranquil. In fact, in this time he has spent in prison, he has acquired the patience of a Tibetan monk, a tranquillity. At the outset he knew this was practically impossible, from the posture from Justice and the media have systematically adopted against him, so he was not there nursing any hope or anything. He was tranquil, really very tranquil.

How was Lula’s day yesterday throughout this whole episode? Was there any actual movement?

No, at no time was he anxious or anything, he was laughing, he thought this whole situation was funny, and he was accompanying it, sometimes on television, sometimes with the police who came to tell him of this whole attitude of “revoke, don’t revoke”. So he was accompanying the whole thing, but he was very tranquil, very serene. I think he will, at the right time, write a letter manifesting his position.

What is your evaluation on the events of yesterday?

The truth is that amongst all those who manifested themselves yesterday in this whole process, the only one who was right was the duty appeal judge Rogério Favreto, because he undoubtedly had the jurisdiction as the duty appeal judge.

The question was not at all about what had been judged, it was something completely new. What was being discussed was Lula’s right to campaign for the election. So this was what was being put, nobody was talking about provisional execution of time to be served or anything, it was a completely new question. So there was no overlapping with the other judgements.

But Judge Sergio Moro, there from Portugal, became involved without the process to hand, without paper or anything. He starts making calls desperately, calls the superintendent here in Brazil not to obey the order from the appeal judge. Then he issues a completely senseless dispatch, because he could not even say that he “thought” he had the jurisdiction. Because a week and a half ago he was told off by the Supreme Court Justice Dias Toffoli in relation to José Dirceu, because after the Supreme Court ordered the release of Dirceu, he demanded that Dirceu should wear an ankle monitor. At that time Toffoli had already told him he had no jurisdiction. This situation of Lula was identical. He had already been told off for this. Now he decided on a show-down, that is, really decided on sedition. This is sedition, what he did. Really, he decided to face-off against the appeal judge.

And curiously, the strangest thing is that at 9:24 in the morning the system showed the certificate here that the decision had been made to release Lula. The “counter-order” from Moro was given at mid-day. So from 9:24 to mid-day, why did the Federal Police not release him? That means something very strange was going on: the phone calls. If you can reverse a written order by a duty judge by telephone, what justice is this? Then the lines hum. Moro makes a call to Gebran, calls Carlos Eduardo Thompson Flores, in this desperate frenzy. This is not the posture of a judge. This might be the posture of a politician, but a judge should never behave this way. A judge who behaves this way is not impartial, and thus he becomes a judge arousing suspicions, and he cannot conduct this process. That is obvious.

And as if that were not enough, he “consults” – in quotation marks, as there is no such thing in procedural law, without any jurisdiction, as he is on holiday, and even if he was not, he would have no jurisdiction, because the cognitive phase of the process has already ended. He “consults” the rapporteur, Gebran, who curiously recognizes this “consultation”, which is a non-existent act, and uses this “consultation” to give a “counter-order” in relation to the decision of the duty judge, who had the jurisdiction for the case, as Gebran was off-duty.

The correct thing to do was for the duty judge to decide, release Lula, the next day the process would go to the rapporteur, and the rapporteur would obviously give the counter-order. But no, when he was off-duty he simply goes there and gives the counter-order against the decision of the duty judge. In other words he also crossed the line.

But that is not all. Favreto goes back and affirms his competence, and he is quite right, as he is the only one with the competence at that moment, and he gives one hour for the Federal Police to fulfill the release order. Now, the whole of Brazil already knows he has given this order. The Federal Police turned a deaf ear, because behind the scenes was the Chief, Rogério Galloro, knowing through Justice Raul Jungmann that the order was not to be obeyed, because the President of the 4th Federal Regional Court, Thompson Flores had already called saying “I will decide later, hold him”. Once again, Carlos Eduardo Thompson Flores acted outside his jurisdiction, profoundly infringing jurisdictional ethics and worse, without being aware of the arguments in the case records.

So appeal judge Thompson Flores had no jurisdiction over the case?

He had no jurisdiction and did not know what it was about. The one who was speaking for the Court at that moment was Favreto. He orders Lula to be held and only at eight o’clock at night does he give his decision and in doing so, has the orders of a colleague of his disobeyed. This is a big mess, there’s no other name for it. This is stuff of kids. This is stuff of children. There is no other expression to describe what happened.

I do believe that Moro, Gebran and Thompson Flores should answer for this to the National Council of Justice, and if justice is to be taken seriously in Brazil, they should be punished administratively for what they got up to yesterday. This is shamelessness, everyone should be dumbfounded. I have worked for over 35 years in Justice, and I have never seen anything like it. I have never seen anything like this before. As far as I am concerned, this is scandalous. They threw justice into the mud. They should have been patient. Where could Lula run to? He probably wouldn’t even have left Curitiba, because he’s an educated man, he knows there are limits. Lula was to wait in Curitiba for the Court’s decision, because he knew that the duty judge’s decision is absolutely transitory. But they resolved to jump in head first and thus trample on all the rules of jurisdiction and competence.

Much has been said about the friendship between Gebran and Moro, and the impossibility of Gebran being the rapporteur of the case.

On this matter I have no great knowledge, but I heard that there is a Whataspp group between Gebran, Moro, Fachin and everyone who had dealings with the process. If that is true, that is something that is truly horrendous, because that subverts the whole rule of double jurisdiction. If the first, the second and the third instance of jurisdiction are arranging between themselves, then what is the law of double jurisdiction if that exists? Nothing. In other words, give the ruling at the first instance and then have everything arranged between themselves.

You said yesterday that Lula was “kidnapped”.

Yes, because when there is a legitimate order to release President Lula and he is held in captivity, at the whim of magistrates without jurisdiction, he is not imprisoned legitimately, he is kidnapped, he is being held in false imprisonment. He is kidnapped. This is not a legitimate prison. Legitimate prison presupposes that it has been ordered by a competent, impartial authority instituted by law. In this case, there was nothing of the sort. There was a judge in a bathing costume in Portugal, giving orders from his thighs, and another here in Brazil attending to the clamour from his friend. This is not the act of a judge, this is false imprisonment. This is kidnapping by an articulated group, which if it were some other kind of activity could be called a criminal organization.

Lawfare in Brazil

Moro vs Brazil

Posted by Antonio Sole on Facebook.

In Brazilian law, Judges exist in three hierarchical levels, called “instancias”. Also, there are special judges, called “desembargadores”, who are hierarchically above judges at the same level. Brazilian law also establishes that judges on holidays cannot issue judicial orders or make official judicial statements.

Yesterday, Sunday, the desembargador Rogério Favreto, on weekend duty, issued a Habeas Corpus order. This is normal and happens all the time, but this time the HC was for ex-President Lula. Normally, HC must be accepted and executed immediately – appeals may be made afterwards by attorneys, who can revert the HC in due time. However, since it was about Lula, federal judge Moro (who is at the first “instancia” – the lowest and well below Rogerio Favreto), refused to accept the HC. Note that Moro was on holidays in Portugal, and he ordered, by phone, that Lula should not be released. Since his rank was below that of a desembargador, Moro also called another desembargador, João Gebran, his friend, who issued an order to counter the HC done by his colleague. BUT, Joao Gebran was also on holidays, i.e. could not possibly issue any judicial orders. Still, his order, illegal as it was, was accepted and Lula remained in prison.

This all just goes to show how illegal the whole process is, and how clear it is that Lula is a political prisoner. He heads all lists for intention of vote, and he is being kept in prison (in a process that has NO PROOF against him) to avoid him getting elected.

Soldiers exchange guns for the ballot box

 

tortura-regime_militarCrédito: CEBI

Jornal do Brasil Álvaro Caldas

With a view to the coming elections, the ways of politics and the electoral game indicate the rise of a new and disquieting phenomenon in Brazilian politics: those in uniform. After the devastating experience of the military dictatorship which lasted 20 years, the military are coming back onto the national scene with a large appetite for power. They made the transition from dictatorship to democracy with the indelible marks of torture and violence against human rights. This time they are positioning themselves to take power not through the use of arms, but through the vote, entering into political activity en masse, up until now predominantly left to civilians. The place for the military was in their headquarters, where they conspired to take power.

They are presenting themselves as candidates in the wake of Operation Lava Jato, which has indiscriminately criminalized politics and politicians, and of an unprecedented economic and social crisis in the history of the country. Nauseated by the old oligarchic and corrupt leadership who have perpetuated themselves in power, the voters want change and renewal. The military are seeking a place for themselves in this space under the shabby banner as saviours of the nation. The objective of this group is to elect a conservative parliamentary caucus of “law and order”.

According to studies and research published by newspapers and magazines, about 100 retired armed forces officers, amongst them eight generals, plan to run for office in the coming elections. For the retired general, Antonio Hamilton Martins Mourão, “there is a demand, and we have decided to take part, because if we want change, there are only two ways: by force or by playing the game”. Mourão is the same officer who threatened the country with intervention by the armed forces.

They have decided to take part in the game, and the barracks are in a state of agitation. There are generals, majors and captains organizing to run in majority and proportional elections in October. Three of them are pre-candidates as governors of the Federal District, Ceara and Rio Grande do Norte. All of them are affiliated with the PSL Party of ex-captain Jair Bolsonaro, the leader of the group, with his intolerant, racist and homophobic preaching of the fascist kind.

An environment favourable to witch-hunting has contaminated the Federal Police, military police, civil police chiefs and even inspectors of the Federal Highway Police, in a military invasion never seen before in history. It is calculated that more than 400 candidates intend to swap their uniforms for politics. Weak and with no popular support, President Temer has become largely responsible for this uniformed invasion, by militarizing his government. He implemented the unsuccessful intervention by the military in Rio de Janeiro, placing officers in strategic posts and returning the Ministry of Defence to a General, after 20 years of being occupied by a civilian.

In this depoliticized climate, of unemployment, bitterness and rancour, where public security plays a large role, the population is heading for the elections with the dangerous risk of the institutions having a powerful caucus in uniform in the future Congress. These will be added to the religious caucus, dominated by the evangelists, those of celebrities, people with great exposure in the media, thus reinforcing the ammunition of the already existent guns caucus. For the most part they are police without any political tradition, formed in the unified order of the barracks and unprepared to understand complex Brazilian problems.

We are facing a situation where reality overtakes fiction. The characters in scene for this Brazilian tragedy are the same as always, this time transformed into spectres once again placing democracy at risk. Behind them, visible to the spectators, the film is passing of murder, of corruption, of social misery and political greed. These are the themes to be used by the false actors in their appeals to win votes in their campaigns.

Working on another front, but with the same objective, the head of the Army, General Eduardo Villas Boas, opened up an agenda to receive all the pre-candidates to the Presidency of the Republic in his office. In recent weeks, he has already talked to nine of them under the pretext of defending the inclusion of projects of interest of the institution in their programmes for government.

Under a democratic regime and in the middle of a troubled electoral process, the intervention by the commander makes it clear that this is to pressure and intervene in the October vote, with the risks inherent to politicization of the armed forces that the country already knows.

There were 20 years of dictatorship and State terrorism, with the resulting houses of death, murders and disappearances of internees. In its final report, the National Truth Commission points out that “the practice of grave violations was carried out in a planned and systematic manner, constituting a pattern of behaviour then adopted by the armed forces”. The country is to this day waiting for recognition of these transgressions and the asking for a pardon from the head of the Army. That would be timely, at this moment, when the soldiers are exchanging the gun for the ballot box.

ditadura1

Crédito: Dever de Classe

Militares trocam armas por urnas

tortura-regime_militar
Crédito: CEBI

Jornal do Brasil Álvaro Caldas

Os caminhos da política e do jogo eleitoral com vistas às próximas eleições indicam o surgimento de um novo e inquietador fenômeno na política brasileira: o grupo da farda. Depois da devastadora experiência da ditadura, que durou 20 anos, os militares ressurgem na cena nacional com um grande apetite de poder. Transitaram da ditadura para a redemocratização com a marca indelével da tortura e de violências contra os direitos humanos. Desta vez posicionam-se para chegar ao poder não mais pela via das armas, mas das urnas, entrando em massa na atividade politica, até aqui predominantemente destinada aos civis. Lugar de militar era na caserna, de onde conspiravam para chegar ao poder.

Eles se apresentam como candidatos na esteira da Operação Lava Jato, que criminalizou a política e os políticos de forma indiscriminada, e de uma crise econômica e social sem precedentes na história do país. Enojado com as velhas lideranças oligárquicas e corruptas que se perpetuam no poder, o eleitor quer mudanças e renovação. Os militares buscam um lugar neste espaço com a surrada bandeira de salvadores da pátria. O objetivo do grupo é eleger uma frente parlamentar conservadora, a bancada “da lei e da ordem”.

Segundo estudos e pesquisas divulgadas por jornais e revistas, cerca de cem militares da reserva das Forças Armadas, entre eles oito generais, deverão concorrer a um cargo nas próximas eleições. Para o general da reserva Antônio Hamilton Martins Mourão “existe uma demanda, e o pessoal resolveu participar. Até porque se a gente quer mudar, só tem duas maneiras: ou é debaixo de pau ou é fazendo o jogo”. Mourão é aquele mesmo oficial que ameaçou o país com uma intervenção das Forças Armadas.

Decidiram partir para o jogo. Os quartéis estão agitados. São generais, majores e capitães que se organizam para disputar as eleições majoritárias e proporcionais em outubro. Três deles são pré-candidatos aos governos do Distrito Federal, Ceará e Rio Grande do Norte. Todos filiados ao PSL do ex-capitão Jair Bolsonaro, o líder da turma, com sua pregação intolerante, racista e homofóbica, de cunho fascista.

O ambiente favorável às bruxas contaminou delegados da Polícia Federal, policiais militares, policiais civis e até inspetores da Polícia Rodoviária Federal, numa invasão militar jamais vista na história. Calcula-se que mais de 400 candidatos pretendem trocar a farda pela política. Fraco e sem nenhum apoio popular, o presidente Temer tornou-se o grande responsável por essa invasão fardada, ao militarizar seu governo. Fez a fracassada intervenção no Rio, colocou oficiais em postos estratégicos e devolveu o ministério da Defesa a um general, depois de 20 anos de ocupação por um civil.

Nesse clima despolitizado, de desemprego, amargura e rancor, em que a segurança pública terá grande destaque, a população se encaminha para as eleições. Com o perigoso risco para as instituições de ter, no futuro Congresso, uma poderosa bancada da farda. Que vai se somar às bancadas religiosa, dominada pelos evangélicos; a de celebridades, de pessoas com grande exposição na mídia, reforçando, assim, a munição da já existente bancada da bala. Em sua maioria são policiais sem nenhuma tradição politica, formados na ordem unida do quartel e despreparados para compreender os complexos problemas brasileiros.

Estamos diante de uma situação em que a realidade supera a ficção. Os personagens em cena dessa tragédia brasileira são os mesmos de sempre, agora transformados em espectros que novamente põem em risco a democracia. Por trás deles, visíveis para os espectadores, passa o filme dos assassinatos, da corrupção, da miséria social e da ganância politica. Temas que serão usados pelos falsos atores como apelos para ganhar votos em suas campanhas.

Atuando em outra frente, mas com o mesmo objetivo, o comandante do Exército, general Eduardo Villas Bôas, abriu uma agenda para receber em seu gabinete todos os pré-candidatos à Presidência da República. Nas últimas semanas, já conversou com nove deles, a pretexto me defender a inclusão de projetos de interesse da instituição em seus programas de governo.

Na vigência de um regime democrático e em meio a um conturbado processo eleitoral, a intervenção do comandante deixa claro que se trata de um ato de pressão e interferência no pleito de outubro, com os riscos inerentes de politização das Forças Armadas, que o país já conhece.

Foram 20 anos de ditadura e terrorismo de Estado, com direito a Casas da Morte, assassinatos e desaparecimento de presos. Em seu relatório final, a Comissão Nacional da Verdade aponta que “a prática de graves violações desenvolveu-se de forma planejada e sistemática, constituindo um padrão do comportamento então adotado pelas Forças Armadas”. Até hoje o país espera o reconhecimento dessas transgressões e um pedido de desculpas do comandante do Exercito. Oportuno, neste momento, em que os militares trocam as armas pelas urnas.

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Crédito: Dever de Classe