Tag Archives: Brazil

The mask of Sergio Moro falls

brasil-moro-bolsonaro

(Tânia Regô – José Cruz/Agência Brasil)

In accepting the invitation to be a Minister for Bolsonaro, the judge’s partiality and political intentions have become even clearer ‘in the eyes of Brazil and of the world’

01/11/2018

In accepting the invitation to be a Minister of Justice for Jair Bolsonaro, Sérgio Moro revealed definitively his partiality as a judge and his real political options. His mask has fallen.

Moro was one of the most visible agents of the political and electoral process. Since the start of Operation Lava Jato (Car Wash) he acted not to fight corruption, but to destroy the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Worker’s Party) and the government running the country. All his actions were meticulously thought to influence this direction.

In 2016 he recorded and illegally leaked private conversations of the President, convicted Lula, without proof and for “indeterminate acts”, performing judicial acrobatics to not follow a judicial order to release him, manipulated the calendar of the process so as to impede a deposition by Lula, in which he could defend himself and publicise a lieful plea bargain from Antonio Palocci on the eve of the first round of the election.

The arbitrary, illegal and partial rulings by Sergio Moro led the UN Committee for the Defense of Human Rights to open a formal procedure on the process against Lula, as well as determining the guarantee of Lula’s political rights, which was not followed by the Superior Electoral Court, in clear violation of international treaties in force.

Moro has always been a biased judge, always acting with political intentions, and this has become clear to the eyes of Brazil and of the world, when he took on a post in the government he helped elect with his decisions against Lula and the campaign of defamation against the PT that he fed, as an accomplice with most of the media.

The judge who acted so strongly against Lula is the same as who benefited those who were really corrupt with Petrobras and their agents, who are now enjoying their freedom or are in semi-open imprisonment, besides the millions they accumulated, in exchange for false depositions, with a clear political bent.

This nomination, where the invitation was made before the first round of the elections, as revealed by Vice-President General Mourão in the Folha de São Paulo newspaper, is one more sign that the future government intends to set up a police state in Brazil.

Adapted from Comissão Executiva Nacional do PT 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(Tânia Regô – José Cruz/Agência Brasil)

Lula lawyer says Judge Moro’s acceptance as Justice Minister in Bolsonaro government is ‘lawfare in its essence’

zanin-moro
Cristiano Zanin Martins and Sergio Moro. Photos: Reproduction/Facebook and Agência Brasil

The lawyer Cristiano Zanin Martins who defends ex-President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva said the acceptance of Judge  Sérgio Moro to be Minister of Justice in the Jair Bolsonaro government is “lawfare in its essence”.

In a press release, Zanin said the act proved definitively what Lula’s defence had always denounced. “Lula was processed, condemned and imprisoned without having committed a crime, with the clear objective of impeding him politically. This is lawfare in its essence, as Lula suffered intense political persecution by means of abuse and misuse of the laws and legal proceedings”, he said.

The full text of the press release is below:

PRESS RELEASE FROM PRESIDENT LULA’S DEFENCE

The formalization of the entry of Judge Sérgio Moro into politics and the revelation of conversations held during the presidential election campaign with the President elect’s campaign prove definitively what we always argued in appeals filed in the Brazilian courts and also with the UN Human Rights Committee: Lula was processed, condemned and imprisoned without having committed a crime, with the clear objective of impeding him politically. This is lawfare in its essence, as Lula suffered intense political persecution by means of abuse and misuse of the laws and legal proceedings.

The defence will take all due measures at the national and international levels to argue Lula’s right to a fair, impartial and independent judgement.

Cristiano Zanin Martinse

A matemática do Brasil do Bolsonaro

Bolsonaro e Lula

Foto: huffpostbrasil.com

O que os números e a resolução de equações pode dizer para nós sobre a situação no Brasil? Vejamos os números e os fatores que podem entrar numa equação. Geralmente, o passado tem uma influência no presente e o presente pode nos dizer algo sobre o futuro, mas estes dois aspectos sobre o tempo, o passado e o futuro, talvez terão de ser reavaliadas enquanto movemos através do nosso exame.

Numa equação, temos duas partes, cada uma de um lado de um sinal = ou igual, e temos que alcançar um equilíbrio para assegurar que não tenha erro.

Quais fatores devemos ter em conta nas equações? Números absolutos de cada lado; por exemplo, o montante de dinheiro levado à situação por cada lado, usando um sinal + para fatores positivos e um sinal – para fatores negativos. Os sinais + estão usados para o que sabemos que é real e sinais – para equilibrar o que sabemos que é falso.

Sabemos que no lado direito temos mais dinheiro e que a sociedade acredita que isso é importante. Sabemos que o lado esquerdo está  falando que não tem justiça e portanto que a conta, a votação, está inválida.

O lado direito, geralmente acredita que o dinheiro ou o poder é um direito divino, e que nem todos têm tal direito.

O conselho do lado esquerdo é que devemos nos unir, que temos que lutar, que devemos nos organizar. O conselho do lado direito é que temos que lutar, que temos que nos defender, que devemos destruir e eliminar para sempre as pessoas barulhentas da esquerda.

Até que aqueles na esquerda e na direita possam ouvir o que está sendo dito de ambos os pontos de vista, não teremos paz.

Aquele que está recebendo o conselho, Lula, nunca diz que era da esquerda e sempre escutou os dois lados.

O número 13 é o número que o Partido dos Trabalhadores usa em suas campanhas. Há um mito ou lenda que o número 13 é que dar azar. Não é verdade. Na minha tradição, os padeiros assaram 13 pães em vez de 12 para suprir a necessidade se qualquer situação  desafortunada acontecer, tal como a perda de um ou a queda acidental de um e assim por adiante.

Da mesma tradição, o Partido dos Trabalhadores do Reino Unido sempre buscou a harmonia entre as classes em vez de guerra de classes. Aqueles que ainda acreditam em guerra de classes,  de qualquer lado, estão propagando o que dizem estar contra, desequilíbrio e desigualdade.

Há uma abreviação interessante no português brasileiro sobre o PT. Pode significar ou o Partido dos Trabalhadores ou a Perda Total, que é um termo de seguros para quando um carro está dado como não valendo a pena de reparar depois de um acidente de carro. Este termo entrou na cultura popular com a frase, ‘Vai dar PT’ ou na piada invertida como ‘Não vai dar PT’.

Qualquer um que se considere um trabalhador, ou não trabalhador, também deve pensar sobre o motivo pelo qual um trabalhador se considere excluído ou incluído nessa categoria, e o porquê de qualquer outra pessoa não ser um trabalhador.

Neste tempo,  os brasileiros têm que pensar em perda, em quem ganhou e o que está perdido ou ganho.

The mathematics of Bolsonaro’s Brazil

Bolsonaro e LulaPhoto: huffpostbrasil.com

What can the numbers and resolving the equations tell us about the situation in Brazil? Let us look at the numbers and the factors we can put into an equation.

Generally the past has an influence on the present and the present can tell us something about the future, but these two time aspects, past and future, may have to be reassessed as we move through our examination.

In an equation, we have two sides either side of an equals sign, and we have to achieve a balance to be sure there is no error.

What factors should we take into account in any equations? Absolute numbers on any side, the amount of money brought to bear by either side, using a plus sign for positive factors and a negative sign for negative ones.

Plus signs are used for what we know to be real and negative ones to balance anything we know to be false.

We know the side on the right have more money and that society believes this is important. We know the left side are saying this is not fair and therefore that the count, the vote, is invalid.

The side on the right, generally believe that money or power is a divine right, and that others do not have that right.

The counsel from the left side is we must unite, we must fight, we must organize. The counsel from the right is we must fight, we must defend, we must destroy and eliminate for ever those noisy non-persons on the left.

Until those on the left and on the right can hear what is being said from both points of view, we shall not have peace.

The one receiving the counsel, Lula, never said he was on the left and would always listen to those on both sides.

The number 13 is the number the Worker’s Party uses in their campaigns. There is a myth or legend that the number 13 is unlucky. This is not true. In my tradition, bakers used to bake 13 loaves of bread rather than 12 so as to have a spare for any misfortune that should befall, such as loss of one or the accidentally dropping of one and so forth. It is called a baker’s dozen.

From that same tradition, the Labour Party in England always sought to bring about harmony between the classes rather than class warfare. Those who still believe in class warfare, of either side, are propagating what they claim to be against, imbalance and inequality.

There is an interesting abbreviation in Brazilian Portuguese about the PT. It can either mean Partido dos Trabalhadores or Perda Total (Complete Loss), which is an insurance term for when a car is written off after an accident as not worth repairing. This term has entered the popular culture with the phrase, ‘Vai dar PT’ (It will be a total loss) or the joke inverted as ‘Não vai dar PT’ (It will not be a total loss).

The number 13 is used the Worker’s Party in their campaigns and is a prime number. The number Bolsonaro used in this campaign for the presidency is 17, also a prime number, one that is indivisible by any other number other than itself or the number one.

Anyone who considers himself a worker or not a worker must also think about why he considers himself as excluded or included in this category, and why anyone else is considered not a worker.

This is the time when all Brazilians should be thinking about loss, who has won and what was lost or won.

 

Companies pay for campaign against Worker’s Party through WhatsApp

bolsonaro_whatsappContracts worth US$ 3 million break the law on undeclared political donations

Patrícia Campos Mello

FOLHA DE SÃO PAULO

Companies have bought packages of mass dispersal of messages against the Worker’s Party (PT) using WhatsApp and are preparing a big operation in the week before the final round.

The practice is illegal, as it consists of campaign donation by companies, which is forbidden under the electoral legislation, and was undeclared.

The Folha newspaper found that each contract is worth up to US$ 3 million, and that among the companies buying are Havan. The contracts are for the dispersal of hundreds of millions of messages.

The companies supporting the candidacy of Jair Bolsonaro (PSL) bought a service called “mass dispersal”, using the user database of the candidate or databases sold by digital strategy agencies. This is also illegal, as the electoral legislation forbids buying the database from third parties, only allowing the use of lists of supporters of the candidate themselves (numbers given voluntarily).

When they use a third party database, these agencies offer segmentation by geographical region, and sometimes by income. The client is then sent delivery reports containing the date, time and content sent.

Among the agencies providing this type of services are Quickmobile, a Yacows, Croc Services and SMS Market.

Prices vary from R$ 0.08 to R$ 0.12 for dispersal of a message to the database of the candidate and from R$ 0.30 to R$ 0.40 when the database is supplied by the agency.

The user databases are often supplied illegally by credit companies or by staff from telephone companies.

Companies investigated by the report said they were unable to accept requests before 28th October, the date of the final round of the election, saying their services were booked for huge dispersal through WhatsApp in the week before bought by private companies.

Questioned whether he used mass dispersal, Luciano Hang, owner of Havan, said he “did not know what it was”, and that “We have no need. I did a ‘live’ broadcast here now. It was not boosted and already achieved 1.3 million people. What is the need to boost? Let’s say I have 2,000 friends. I send it to my friends and it goes viral.”

Asked for comment, the partner in QuickMobile, Peterson Rosa, said the company is not working in the political arena this year and that the focus is only on corporate media. He denied having signed a contract with political content dispersal companies.

Richard Papadimitriou, of Yacows said he would make no comment. SMS Market did not respond to requests for an interview.

The accounts for the candidate Jair Bolsonaro (PSL) show only that the company AM4 Brasil Inteligencia Digital as having received US$ 310,000  for digital media.

According to Marcos Aurelio Carvalho, one of the owners of the company, AM4 only has 20 people working on the campaign. “Those working on the campaign are the thousands of volunteer supporters throughout Brazil. The groups are set up and fed organically”, he said.

He said that AM4 only maintains groups on WhatsApp to denounce fake news, transmission lists and state groups called content committees.

However, the Folha newspaper found out from ex-members of staff and clients that the AM4 service is not restricted to that.

One of the tools used by the Bolsonaro campaign is the generation of overseas numbers automatically by sites such as TextNow.

Staff and volunteers have dozens of such numbers, which they use to administer groups or to take part in them. With area codes from other countries, these administrators escape the spam filters and the limitations imposed by WhatsApp — the maximum of 256 participants in each group and the automatic forwarding of a single message to up to 20 people or groups.

These administrators also use algorithms that segment the members of groups between supporters, detractors and neutral, and are thus able to customize the most efficient type of content sent.

Most of the content is not produced by the campaign but rather from supporters.

The administrators of Bolsonaro support groups also identify “influencers”: very active supporters who they contact to set up more groups and do other actions in favour of the candidate. This practice is not illegal.

There is no indication that AM4 signed contracts for mass dispersal; Carvalho denied that his company do user segmentation or manipulation of content.

Estimates of the number of people working in the sector on the number of WhatsApp anti-PT groups are very vague — between 20,000 and 300,000 — as it is impossible to calculate the closed groups.

Diogo Rais, Professor of electoral Law at the Mackenzie University, said the buying of WhatsApp dispersal services by companies to favour a candidate would be considered an undeclared campaign donation, which is forbidden.

He did not comment in specific cases, but reminds that this form could be qualified as a crime of abuse of economic power, and of judged to have influenced the election, lead to disqualification of the ticket.

IN MINAS GERAIS, ROMEU ZEMA HIRED A BOOSTER COMPANY

The candidate for governor of the Minas Gerais state of the Partido Novo, Romeu Zema, declared to the Superior Electoral  Court, payment of US$ 54,000 to Croc Services for diffusion of content. The state directorate of the party in Minas spent US$ 45,000 with the company.

The Folha newspaper had Access to the proposals and e-mail exchanges from the company with various campaigns offering mass dispersal using the database of third parties, which is illegal.

Questioned by Folha, Pedro Freitas, partner-director of Croc Services said: “The one who has to know the electoral legislation is the candidate, not me.”

Later, he back-pedalled and said he did not knowf his company provided services to Zema. Afterwards, he sent a message saying he had checked their records and that they had sold packages for mass dispersal over WhatsApp, but only to databases of the candidate himself, party members and Zema supporters —which is legal.

Asked for comment, the campaign said that they had “contracted the message service only for WhatsApp for the sending to party members, people registered to the web site and supporter mobilization events”.

The Folha newspaper found that voters in Minas received WhatsApp messages linking the vote for Zema to the vote for Jair Bolsonaro days before the first round. Zema, who was in third place in the polls, finished in first place.

Collaborators: Joana Cunha and Walter Nunes

The Brazilian marketer who imported the Trump’s campaign method to use in 2018

Andre Torretta

Andre Torretta, at his office in São Paulo. Luís Simione

Andre Torretta associated himself to Cambridge Analytica, the controversial agency who worked for the Republican

“Am I fooling you? No, I am just giving you what you want to see”, he says about the strategy
El País, São Paulo 15 Oct 2017

“I bought a beach and I don’t want others to go there. What is the best sign to put in the sand?”, marketer Andre Torretta asked as he showed two photos in a PowerPoint presentation on his MacBook. “This one, saying the beach is private, or this one, warning of sharks? The one about sharks works better”, he said smiling, at his office, at a colourful coworking and ostensibly friendly building in a prime area in São Paulo. And if there’s no shark on the beach it would be a lie, right? “If there were no shark, then it’s fake news”, he conceded. “I won’t do that, but it exists, it’s possible and can be done, at the limit of ethics”.

The metaphor of the shark ” at the limit of ethics” is part of the material the 52 year old from Bahia state takes to introduce his new company, Cambridge Analytica Ponte, in the competitive Brazilian political marketing market. The agency is a mixture of his old consultancy specialized in class C Brazilians, Ponte Estrategia, with the British multinational Cambridge Analytica, a company that had promised to change, using psychology and big data, the behaviour of voters and consumers. In its portfolio, Cambridge Analytica has nothing less than the successful – and controversial – campaign of Donald Trump in the United States. The strategy used is to track the personality of the individuals on the basis of classic precepts of psychology and on the digital breadcrumbs we leave every day, such as social network profiles, GPS locations of places visited, data from the use of public services and online purchases. From there, they say they can produce messages moulded practically to the individual level, and they work to ensure they are delivered. To the target.

Ever since Trump won, Cambridge Analytica, which boasts of having read the minds of 210 million Americans, has not left the centre of controversy. It’s principal shareholder is the billionaire Robert Mercer, known for having changed Wall Street using big data and for being an important financier of conservative and far-right activists. There are academics in the USA and in the United Kingdom saying there are terrified about the company, a precisely targeting propaganda machine, and which if used without scruples, could be damaging. Others say a lot of it is self-marketing and are sceptical if whether, in fact, their method can deliver. “Cambridge did an ad in which it seems there is a monster behind it, but there isn’t. It is about making it more efficient”, says Torretta, who says he has adapted the strategy of the company because of the legal and technological differences between the two countries. “I tropicalized the methodology.”

If in the USA the fame of Cambridge is associated with CEO Alexander James Ashburner Nix, a 41 year old  Englishman who only appears wearing well-cut suits, branded glasses and well-combed hair, Andre Torretta is definitively more tropical. On the Friday he received EL PAIS, the marketer who has worked for 20 years in the field and on campaigns such as those for the Jose and Roseana Sarney from Maranhão and that of ex-President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, did not wear a suit and wore a bright lilac coloured shirts. The thick lens glasses were not of any definable brand. He didn’t stop making jokes, many of them about himself. “My jokes are off the record, for the Love of God.” He said he couldn’t speak English and is far from the technological genius type. Even so, he guaranteed, it was the British sensation from the world of political marketing who sought him out, not the other way round.

According to Torreta, when they were working for the Trump campaign, Cambridge were also looking to the Brazilian 2018 elections. He says he was sought out a year and a half ago by a Spanish executive from SCL (Strategic Communication Laboratories), the mother company behind Cambridge Analytica. The envoy was looking for a partnership. That was when he heard for the first time of the Ocean methodology. “The guys were saying Ocean, Ocean. And I said, well, but tell me how and what it is. How do you get the egg to stand up?”, he said. The method (read further below) classifies people into five profiles in accordance the initial letters of the word – Openness (measures how open people are to new experiences), conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism (emotional instability or how neurotic the person may be) – to then customize the campaigns for each profile. “So I saw they had a methodology able to make the egg stand up”.

In the United States, the ‘egg’ is ‘standing up’ thanks to around 7,000 data points that Cambridge, according to Torretta, is able to use on each individual. “The United States legislation is obscenely open. Thank God ours is not like that. It doesn’t allow me to go to Mastercard and buy all your data. It is forbidden both here and in England, in Germany it’s impossible. In the United States they even sell your soul”. In Brazil, Torretta calculates that this number of data points on everyone reaches 750 and that is where the tropicalization starts that he says he has done on the method. “The databases for Brazil are being built now. We have good well-stocked public databases. The government must have at least 500 to 700 data points on us, IBGE must have about 250 points, not personal, but of the micro-region where you live”, he explained. “So we already have 700 data points on each Brazilian. The credit rating agency, Serasa, must have another 40 data points”, he enthuses. He is convinced that, even if out data situation does not compare to the USA, his new company will work with much more information than any of his competitors. Not even private enterprise uses the potential of the data already available in Brazil, the marketer said.

The key, he argues, is going beyond the traditional stratifications of social class, place and sex to something much more specific. The campaigns in Brazil are already using some micro-targeting, but the bet has been made that the entry of big data and the consolidation of social networks changes the outlook profoundly. “Those going after Ivete Sangalo are the same as those going after Claudia Leite? No.” In other words, two women aged 35 from a prime area of Jardins, in São Paulo, may have completely different inclinations on the question of global warming and this can be decisive when buying a car or voting. In the calculations of the marketer,  if each presidential candidate, for example, has more or less 50 speeches on the programme for government, you only have to choose which is the most suitable for each one. Torretta goes back to the PowerPoint presentation to point out a slide with five photos of President Michel Temer in different circumstances. “I can tell you which photo is better, in accordance with the neighbourhood or social class or the psychographic trace [of the person]”, he said. “Am I fooling you? No, I am just giving you what you want to see.”

Ethical dilemmas and MBL

But can the production of speeches on demand not deepen ethical dilemmas already known in national political marketing? Up to what point can the technique go without manipulating or stealing elections? Torretta rejects the idea. “I am a professional of argument. I don’t need to lie. We talk about change of behaviour, behavioural communication”. He admits, however, that the example of the sign warning of supposed sharks at the beginning of the report, provoking or exacerbating the feeling of fear to induce the behaviour of not going to the beach, is already being used in Brazil. “There you have to have a change in the game that, for me, is more violent than technological. This type of communication, that MBL knows how to do very well, was used in war. It’s more deep-seated. Someone taught them this.”

Torretta said he would reject a proposal to work with the right-wing activists Movimento Brasil Livre, but praises the digital militancy expertise of the group, who he says have an excellent database. “I always highlighted their skill.” And with the candidate the group has supported up until now, the mayor of São Paulo, João Doria, Would he work with them? “I have already done lots of talks for Doria, for Lide [organization of companions set up by Doria]. That’s one conversation I cannot deny”.

With a lean “and well-paid” group of 12 people, the marketer says he has not yet closed a deal with any presidential campaign, but says he was sounded out by two of them in recent weeks. “And we are in two state pre-campaigns”, he adds, without revealing where or for whom. “The problem is that Cambridge is perhaps very sophisticated for the Brazilian regional market, because we don’t do any digital campaign well”, he said. “Now a breach has opened up for politicians to do boosting [to pay for publications to reach more people on Facebook).” Thus he believes that “Cambridge will be sexy” for the Brazilian market.

The change that allows paid political advertising on Facebook, approved in the Brazilian political reform, is at the centre of a scandal in the USA, with two revelations: that it was staff of the social network itself that had worked as consultants on the Trump campaign, which invested heavily in performance tests of different ads on the platform, and that Russia paid to broaden the sending of messages on the network to stimulate the political division in the USA. The centrality this discussion took on in the USA showed that this authorization of use in Facebook in Brazil could be crucial in 2018 both for companies such as Cambridge as well as the monitoring of social networks, which have been active in Brazilian campaigns since 2014. On one point, the tools of big data can mine the information of each voter. On another, the Facebook advertising machine which holds a much more complex map of the user inclinations will deliver the political campaign with precision.

Whatever the case, for Torretta, any strategy that only considers Facebook in Brazil will not be complete. “The big social network in Brazil is WhatsApp”, he says. And that is where the tropicalization of the method to which he referred will be complete, his preferred workaround. He intends to use all the databases within reach – the first one being that of the party for which he is working – to transform the WhatsApp users into digital activists. He says he merely wants to systematize what people are already doing on their own. “People are interested in politics, but the parties are not taking part in the discussion.” Torretta tells how he created an app similar to WhatsApp, which has to be downloaded by sympathizers to work as a channel with the campaign. With the app, one can Interact with voters and ask them to share the candidate’s content on all the social networks, and especially on WhatsApp itself. Even if the adherence is only 10%, the impact will be considerable, he believes.

To set up this distribution network the marketer plans to leave big data and the new tools and return to his experience as a consultant specialized in class C, accustomed to qualitative surveys and to explain to companies regional differences, especially in the north-east. The mine of his original company, Ponte, he argues, are the dozens of contacts that he calls antenna, which he gathered during years of trying to understand the level of consumption in poorer communities: a community leader, a rapper, a young person who has the most visited page on the extreme east zone in São Paulo, all could have been his antennas in some consultancy for private brands in the past.

It all sounds very ambitious, but the marketer says the workaround has been tested and is working. The laboratory was a image positioning campaign carried out for the state deputy at the beginning of the year in Amapa – he doesn’t reveal the name. His team went to the state in the north, mapped the antennas, distributed the application and started to send out material. “Brazil is like the jabuticaba fruit. No marketer from abroad has been successful here. Quite the contrary, we export marketers”, he says. “Something that works in New York may very well not work in Amapa. But something that works in Amapa works anywhere”, he laughs.

Besides the pilot in Amapa, the preparation for the 2018 campaigns also involved a classic research study, to monitor Brazilian humour and the principal matters of interest. One of the basic but essential discoveries, he says, is that the population wants to see empathy in politicians. Another, more surprising for him, is that the discomfort with the very high interest rates for consumers has come on to the agenda for once and for all, as a result of the majority of the electorate with at least secondary education. “I can elect a federal deputy Just talking about interest rates”, he says. Another of his conclusions is that the preaching for “smaller State” hasn’t yet got through to the class C population.

What are the chances of a radical candidate, from the left or the right? At this question, Torretta becomes serious. He says he doesn’t believe that radicals – without mentioning names – can win. “The intelligent radical is one who can fool the people and pretends to be in the centre. People do not like radical things”, he says. “And, thank God, our radicals are not very intelligent and society has not embraced their agendas. This is why they have only found an echo in their own groups “, he says, but adds with more humour than analysis: “I have faith. I go to church on Sunday, on Monday I go to umbanda and on Tuesday I go to the spirit centre”. And where are the white clothes of the candomble devotees if we on a Friday? Torretta turns in his chair and raises his leg up high, showing his white trousers. “Marketer and from Bahia. This is a profession with a very heavy karma.”

The Ocean method

Ocean is the initial of each word: Openness (measures how open people are to new experiences), Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness and Neuroticism (emotional instability or how neurotic the person may be) – to then customize the campaigns for each profile

To apply this technique, the person has to respond to a questionnaire consisting of about 20 statements, whose responses are made into scales of how much they agree or disagree with a given statement. The phrases are simple and direct, for example such as, “I have a vivid imagination”, or “I believe in the importance of art”, and “I tend to vote for liberal politicians” or “I don’t like myself”, “I insult people”, or “I run away from my responsibilities”.

Before seeing the result, you have to leave your e-mail or log in to a Facebook account, obliging the user to leave another data point to fatten the agency database.

Torretta explains it is possible to construct an Ocean scale, as it would be impossible to have a questionnaire responded to by 100% of the population. “Of course Cambridge dreams of having 7 billion people in the whole world answer the questionnaire”.

‘Mass dispersal’ of messages against the PT is illegal and may disqualify Bolsonaro

bolsonaro_whatsapp
Photo: Poenaroda

Report in the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo affirms that four agencies were contracted by companies to carry out the service

Lu Sudré

Brasil de Fato | São Paulo (SP)

18 October 2018 at 13:04

If the link of the campaign with illegal acts is proven, Bolsonaro may be ineligible to stand for eight years

An investigative report published by Folha de S. Paulo this Thursday (18th) denounced that companies are buying packages for mass dispersal of messages against the Worker’s Party (PT) on WhatsApp. According to the report, the companies prepared a large operation for the week before the second round.

Supporters of Jair Bolsonaro (PSL), the companies used the database of contacts sold by digital strategy agencies and also that of the candidate. The law only permits the use of the list of supporters of the candidate, with contacts provided voluntarily.

To send hundreds of millions of messages, each contract signed reaches R$ 12 million. Among the buyers of the service is Havan, whose owner, Luciano Hang, obliged its staff to vote for Jair Bolsonaro. The practice is considered illegal, as it counts as a campaign donation by companies, if the direct connection between the institutions and the PSL candidate.

João Meira, Professor in Political Law, explains that articles 222 and 237 of the electoral legislation deal with the annulment of elections for illicit campaigning methods and for abuse of economic power.

“With the strength this propaganda through WhatsApp has and the industry of lies that has been set up, with ads practically impossible to be monitored, if it is proven that there was abuse of economic power of R$12 million, with illicit contracting, this results in a fraud that completely stains the electoral process. If it is proven that Bolsonaro and his campaign are linked to the actions of these groups of people carrying out illegal acts, even if he is elected, he can be disqualified and decreed ineligible to stand for eight years” says Meira.

Among the agencies identified by the report as responsible for ‘mass dispersal’ are Quickmobile, Yacows, Croc Services and SMS Market. However, the Bolsonaro campaign accounts show only that the company AM4 Brasil Inteligencia Digital, which received R$ 115,000 for digital media work.

The cost of the service varies from R$ 0.08 to R$ 0.12 to send the message to the candidate’s database and from R$ 0.30 to R$ 0.40 when the database is supplied by the agency. The agencies offer segmentation by geographical region and even by level of income.

Strategies

The Folha newspaper affirms that one of the tools used by the Bolsonaro campaign is the generation of numbers automatically overseas by sites such as TextNow. The report also cites that the databases of contacts are often supplied illegally by credit companies or by staff from telephone companies.

With area codes from other countries, the administrators are able to evade the spam filters and the limits imposed by WhatsApp, for example, the maximum of 256 participants in each group and the automatic forwarding of a single message to up to 20 people or groups.

Fernando Haddad, the principal target of fake news in these elections, said he would file court actions against the companies. He said the episode once again showed, that Bolsonaro does not respect democracy.

“We will be asking for steps to be taken by Electoral Justice and by the Federal Police, so that these corrupt businessmen are immediately arrested to stop these WhatsApp messages. There are already names of companies, the names of companies, contracts, the amount paid through the second set of books, caixa 2 , which is an electoral crime. He, who runs away from the debates, will not be able to run from Justice”, the petista declared on video.

In a press release, the PT said they had requested an “investigation by the Federal Police of the criminal practices by Bolsonaro”.

“This is a coordinated plan to influence the electoral process, which cannot be ignored by Electoral Justice nor go unpunished. We are taking all the judicial measures for him to answer for his crimes, including the use of caixa 2, because the spending of millions on the industry of lies are not declared by his campaign”, the text states.

“The criminal methods of deputy Jair Bolsonaro are intolerable in a democracy. The Brazilian institutions have the obligation to act to defend against damage to the electoral process. The social networks cannot watch their use passively to spread lies and offenses, becoming accomplices in the manipulation of millions of users”, the party denounced.

The report sought comment from Havan, but had received no response by the time of publication.

Editing: Nina Fideles